Wednesday, January 7, 2015

OBOF TYMNM & MORE Vol 14 - No 40


 

 

OPINOINS  BASED  ON FACTS (OBOF)

&

THINGS YOU MAY HAVE MISSED (TYMHM)

YEAR ONE

YEAR TWO

YEAR THREE

YEAR FOUR

YEAR FIVE

 

OBOF YEAR FOUR INDEX
 
OBOF TYMHM
Jan. 07, 2015
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-02
 
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-03
Jan. 15, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-04
Jan. 24, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-05
JAN 30, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-06
Feb. 06, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-06 EXTRA
Feb. 09, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-07
Feb. 13, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-08
Feb. 21, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-09
Feb. 27, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-10
Mar. 08, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-11
Mar. 13, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-11    EXTRA
Mar. 15, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-12
Mar.  21, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-13
Mar.  29, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-14
Apr.  03, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-15
Apr.  12, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-16
Apr.  19, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-17
Apr.  26, 2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-18
May  03,  2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-19
May  10,  2014
OBOF TYMHM PART 14-20
May  20,  2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 21
May 28,  2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - Ho 22
June 10, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 23
June 20, 2014
noteOBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 24
July  04, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 25
Aug. 04, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 26
Aug. 25, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 27
Sept. 03, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 28
Sept. 10, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 29
Sept.  14, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 30
Sept.  21, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 31
Sept.  29, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 32
Oct.    10, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 33
Oct.    31, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 34
Nov.   09, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 35
Nov.   16, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 36
Nov.   25, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 37
Nov.   30, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 38
Dec.   14, 2014
OBOF TYMHM Vol 14 - No 39
Dec.   20, 2014
 
 

 

 

Agenda

 

1.  STARTING YEAR FIVE.

2.  The Story Behind the Story of

                    Those Huge Corporate Tax Cut.

3.  Obama: Keystone 'Not Even Nominal Benefit' to U.S.                        Consumers.

4. A Society of Captives.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

STARTING YEAR FIVE

 

By Floyd Bowman

Publisher "Opinions Based On Facts."

1-03-2015

 

I started this four days ago, but just haven't been able to get this in finish form.  So help me, I am going to get this done today.  I am not getting off to a very good start for 2015.  All I can tell you is that I will do what I can.  

 

I don't want to fill this with pitty talk, but I fell on Thanksgiving Day and wasn't able to get up for four hours.  It has been a bit of a challenge to get going again.  I don't know for sure how 2015 is going to shape up.  We'll just have to put one foot in front of the other until one foot doesn't want to move.

 

My readers have fallen off from around 300 to about 160.  Of course the Holidays could account for some of that, but I think more, it is because I am not just regular enough in my postings.

To that point let me say that I am going to do the best I can and I hope you will all tune in, if not all the time, at least once in a while.  Instead of counting years anymore I count months.  I have now hit 90 plus 6.  I still want to make 100, but I just don't know.  I'll try to hang in and keep going.

~~~

The Story Behind the Story of Those Huge Corporate Tax Cuts

 


Published: December 4, 2014

 

Last week, Igor Volsky reported for Think Progress that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nevada) had struck a deal with House Republicans to give corporate America a massive tax giveaway just weeks after the midterm elections.  The agreement, wrote Volsky, “would permanently extend relief for big multinational corporations without providing breaks for middle or lower-income families.”  Writing in The Washington Post, Jared Bernstein, a former economic advisor to Vice President Joe Biden, called the package ”a dog’s breakfast of permanent tax breaks mostly for businesses that would add over $400 billion to the 10-year budget deficit without doing anything for low-income, working families.”

 

He wasn’t alone in panning the deal.  Treasury Secretary Jack Lew told Volsky that the cuts would be “fiscally irresponsible.” The 10-year, $444 billion package includes a few provisions that were popular with Democrats, but would phase out existing tax credits for clean energy development.  Mostly, it’s a boon for some of the top corporate tax-avoiders in America. Some 90 percent of the cuts would benefit their bottom lines.  One of the biggest beneficiaries would be GE, which, according to Citizens for Tax Justice, claimed tax refunds of $3.1 billion on $27.5 billion in profits between 2008 and 2012. That means the company had a negative tax rate of 11 percent. Other big winners would include Wall Street financial firms, pharmaceutical companies and computer and Internet businesses.

 

And while Republicans insist that things like disaster relief and unemployment benefits be “offset” with cuts to other programs, these breaks would not be.  The resulting deficits would then be used to justify deeper cuts to programs that have already been starved by “sequestration” — health care, education and assistance for the poor.  Jared Bernstein called that “a particularly nefarious twist.”  And, as if to add insult to injury, The New York Times reported that Republican negotiators announced that they were stripping away an expanded earned-income credit and a child tax credit, two measures that help keep poor working families above the poverty line. The proposed cuts were in retaliation for Obama’s executive action on immigration.

 

Once the story broke, Harry Reid’s office denied that a deal had been struck.  The White House quickly issued a veto threat. And one Democratic strategist who asked not to be identified told BillMoyers.com that shortly after Volsky’s story was published, administration staffers were sending out emails to allies excoriating the deal.  He noted that it was an unusual response for an administration that values message discipline and is typically deliberative in crafting responses to these kinds of legislative proposals.

 

It’s quite possible that the Democrats floated the story of this corporate giveaway in order to knock it down. Perhaps they were trying to draw heat away from Obama’s controversial immigration order, or establishing a narrative for the next two years — that the new Congress would exhibit the same “culture of corruption” that Democrats used to their advantage during the 2006 elections   That’s speculative, but there’s another angle to this story which isn’t: a major reason this package of “tax extenders” has political salience is that earlier this year, several progressive groups that advocate for a fairer tax system decided to make them an issue.

 

They’re called “tax extenders” because these corporate handouts require congressional renewal every year or two. In the past, they’ve been quietly approved again and again with large bipartisan majorities and virtually no public attention.  One of them, the research and experimentation tax credit, has been extended by Congress 15 times since it was first enacted in 1981. As the Congressional Research Service noted last year, the purpose of making tax provisions temporary is to evaluate their effectiveness, but that goal “is undermined if expiring provisions are regularly extended without systematic review, as is the case in practice.”

 

It’s an example of the kind of quiet corruption that frequently passes without notice in Washington, DC — largely because it lacks the drama of a partisan fight.  Last year, Harry Reid and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell both came out in favor of extending the cuts without paying for them.

 

The late Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously wrote of government transparency that “sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants,” and in March, as the Senate Finance Committee prepared to vote on extending the tax cuts, Public Campaign and Americans for Tax Fairness (ATF) launched an effort to bring some much-needed exposure to this legislation. “This year, we made a concerted effort to raise awareness, to raise discomfort and to carry on a good fight against these tax breaks that were usually rubber-stamped every year,” says Frank Clemente, executive director of Americans for Tax Fairness. Clemente added that in the past, he’d ”been shocked by how comfortable and desirable these tax break were for both Republican and Democratic members of Congress.”

 

The two groups issued a blistering report detailing not only what the tax extenders would do, but also exposing the massive lobbying campaign that was pushing them through Congress. Using data from OpenSecrets, the report’s authors noted that “1,359 individual lobbyists swarmed Capitol Hill to press members of Congress on the issue between January 2011 and September 2013.”  That means that about 10 percent of all registered federal lobbyists worked on advancing this one piece of legislation. The report also pointed out that “58 percent of the lobbyists who worked on tax extenders have passed through the revolving door – they have worked for Congress or the executive branch.” These included some heavy hitters on Capitol Hill — people like former Sen. John Breaux (D-LA), who sat on the Senate Finance Committee for over a decade, and former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-MS).

 

Public Campaign and Americans for Tax Fairness worked hard to get the public’s attention. “We did as much retail work as possible,” Frank Clemente told BillMoyers.com.  “We held press briefings and did one-on-ones with reporters to make sure that they understood the story.  It’s like grassroots organizing — you have to do a lot of organizing to get the media engaged on issues like this.” (We first wrote about the extenders after one of their media calls in early April.)  The progressive Center for Budget and Policy Priorities followed up with a damning analysis a few weeks later.  And while these efforts didn’t make the extension of a bunch of corporate tax cuts a big issue for average Americans, it certainly put them on the radars of many political reporters, who were well equipped to write about them when Volsky’s story broke last week.

 

It’s possible — or even likely — that, absent this effort, Congress would have extended these cuts yet again, perhaps permanently, with little notice and no public outrage.  And these cuts may pass yet — attached to some veto-proof legislation, or as part of a broader “tax reform” between the White House and the new Republican congressional majority.  But we saw last week that a group of organized advocates can turn a non-issue into a matter of public controversy, and, at a minimum, make things a bit more difficult for what journalist David Sirota called “the money party” that dominates Washington, DC.

~~~

 

Obama: Keystone 'Not Even Nominal Benefit' to U.S. Consumers

By Laura Barron-Lopez, The Hill

21 December 14

resident Obama on Friday said building the Keystone oil pipeline would “not even have a nominal benefit” to consumers, pushing back at claims it would lower gas prices further.

 

Obama stressed that the issue at hand for Keystone is “not American oil, it is Canadian oil.”

“That oil currently is being shipped out through rail or trucks and it would save Canadian oil companies, and the Canadian oil industry enormous amounts of money if they could simply pipe it all the way down to the Gulf,” Obama said during his final press conference of 2014.

“It’s very good for Canadian oil companies, and it’s good for the Canadian oil industry but it’s not going to be a huge benefit to U.S. consumers, it’s not even going to be a nominal benefit to U.S. consumers,” Obama said.

Obama has repeatedly criticized Republicans for demanding approval of the $8 billion oil sands project. A Senate vote in November fell one vote short of sending legislation to Obama's desk. Incoming Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) has vowed to make it the first piece of business for a Republican Senate next year.

Obama reiterated that he wants to make sure if the project does go forward it is not add to the “problem of climate change ... which does impose serious costs on American people.”

Asked about McConnell's plans, he said:“I’ll see what they do. We will take that up in the new year.”

With the new GOP majority in the Senate, Republicans are positive they will have more than the 61 votes needed for a filibuster-proof majority to send the pipeline to Obama’s desk.

Whether they have the 67 votes needed to override a veto, however, is in question.

Obama noted litigation in Nebraska needs to wrap up before a decision on the pipeline is made at the federal level. The Nebraska Supreme Court will not rule on the question of who had authority to approve the pipeline’s route through the state until next year.

“Once that is resolved then the State Department will have all the information it needs,” Obama said.

“I think there has been this tendency to really hype this thing as some magic formula to what ails the U.S. economy and it is hard to see on paper where they are getting that information from,” Obama added.

~~~

A Society of Captives

                                  Authors: Chris Hedges | Truthdig | Op-Ed

Published: December 9, 2014 |

 

Bio: Chris Hedges has written twelve books, including the New York Times best seller “Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt” (2012), which he co-authored with the cartoonist Joe Sacco.  Some of his other books include “Death of the Liberal Class” (2010), “Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle” (2009), “I Don’t Believe in Atheists” (2008) and the best selling “American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America” (2008).

 

His book “War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning” (2003) was a finalist for the National Book Critics Circle Award for Nonfiction.  In 2011, Nation Books published a collection of Hedges’ Truthdig columns called “The World As It Is: Dispatches on the Myth of Human Progress.”

 

Hedges previously spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America, the Middle East, Africa and the Balkans.  He has reported from more than 50 countries and has worked for The Christian Science Monitor, National Public Radio, The Dallas Morning News and The New York Times, for which he was a foreign correspondent for 15 years.

~

When laws do not apply equally to all, they are treated as “rights and privileges.”  We are currently living through the rise of the corporate state and the death of our democracy where we have become a society of captives.

 

Mayor Bill de Blasio’s plans to launch a pilot program in New York City to place body cameras on police officers and conduct training seminars to help them reduce their adrenaline rushes and abusive language, along with the establishment of a less stringent marijuana policy, are merely cosmetic reforms.  The killing of Eric Garner in Staten Island was, after all, captured on video.  These proposed reforms, like those out of Washington, D.C., fail to address the underlying cause of poverty, state-sponsored murder and the obscene explosion of mass incarceration—the rise of the corporate state and the death of our democracy. Mass acts of civil disobedience, now being carried out across the country, are the only mechanism left that offers hope for systematic legal and judicial reform. We must defy the corporate state, not work with it.

 

The legal system no longer functions to protect ordinary Americans.  It serves our oligarchic, corporate elites. These elites have committed $26 billion in financial fraud. They loot the U.S. Treasury, escape taxation, drive down wages, break unions, pillage pension funds, gut regulation and oversight, destroy public institutions including public schools and social assistance programs, wage endless and illegal wars to swell the profits of arms merchants, and—yes—authorize police to murder unarmed black men.

 

Police and national intelligence and security agencies, which carry out wholesale surveillance against the population and serve as the corporate elite’s brutal enforcers, are omnipotent by intention. They are designed to impart fear, even terror, to keep the population under control.  And until the courts and the legislative bodies give us back our rights—which they have no intention of doing—things will only get worse for the poor and the rest of us. We live in a post-constitutional era.

 

Corporations have captured every major institution, including the judicial, legislative and executive branches of government, and deformed them to exclusively serve the demands of the market. They have, in the process, demolished civil society.  Karl Polanyi in “The Great Transformation” warned that without heavy government regulation and oversight, unfettered and unregulated capitalism degenerates into a Mafia capitalism and a Mafia political system.  

 

A self-regulating market, Polanyi writes, turns human beings and the natural environment into commodities. This ensures the destruction of both society and the natural environment.  The ecosystem and human beings become objects whose worth is determined solely by the market.  They are exploited until exhaustion or collapse occurs.  A society that no longer recognizes that the natural world and life have a sacred dimension, an intrinsic value beyond monetary value, commits collective suicide. Such societies cannibalize themselves.  This is what we are undergoing. Literally.

 

As in every totalitarian state, the first victims are the vulnerable, and in the United States this means poor people of color. In the name of the “war on drugs” or the necessity of enforcing immigration laws, those trapped in our urban internal colonies are effectively stripped of their rights.  Police, who arrest some 13 million people a year—1.6 million of them on drug charges and half of those on marijuana counts—were empowered by the “war on drugs” to carry out random searches and sweeps with no probable cause.  They take DNA samples from many whom they arrest to build a nationwide database that includes both the guilty and the innocent.  And they charge each of the sampled arrestees $50 for DNA processing.  

 

They confiscate cash, cars, homes and other possessions based on allegations of illegal drug activity and use the proceeds to swell police budgets.  They impose fines in poor neighborhoods for absurd offenses—riding a bicycle on a sidewalk or not having an ID—to fleece the poor or, if they cannot pay, toss them into jail.  And before deporting undocumented workers the state levels fines, often in the thousands of dollars, on those being held by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency in order to empty their pockets before they are shipped out.  

 

Prisoners locked in cages often spend decades attempting to pay off thousands of dollars, sometimes tens of thousands, in court fines from the paltry $28 a month they earn in prison jobs; the government, to make sure it gets its money, automatically deducts a percentage each month from their prison paychecks. It is a vast extortion racket run against the poor by the corporate state, which also makes sure that the interest rates of mortgages, car loans, student loans and credit card loans are set at predatory levels.

 

Since 1980 the United States has constructed the world’s largest prison system, populated with 2.3 million inmates, 25 percent of the world’s prison population.  Police, to keep the system filled with bodies, have had most legal constraints on their behavior removed.  They serve as judge and jury on the streets of American cities.  Such expansion of police powers is “a long step down the totalitarian path,” U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas warned in 1968.  

 

The police, who are often little more than predatory, armed gangs in inner-city neighborhoods, arbitrarily decide who lives, who dies and who spends years in prison.  They rarely fight crime or protect the citizen.  They round up human beings like cattle to meet arrest quotas, the prerequisite for receiving federal cash in the “drug war.”  Because many crimes carry long mandatory sentences it is easy to intimidate defendants into “pleading out” on lesser offenses. The arrested are acutely aware they have no chance—97 percent of all federal cases and 94 percent of all state cases are resolved by guilty pleas rather than trials.  

 

An editorial in The New York Times said that the pressure employed by state and federal prosecutors to make defendants accept guilty pleas—an action that often includes waiving the right to appeal to a higher court—is “closer to coercion” than to bargaining. There are always police informants who, to reduce their own sentences, will tell a court anything demanded of them by the police.  And, as we saw after the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and after the killing of Garner, the word of police officers and prosecutors, whose loyalty is to the police, is law.

 

A Department of Defense program known as 1033, which was begun in the 1990s and which the National Defense Authorization Act allowed along with federal homeland security grants to the states, has provided $4.3 billion in military equipment to local police forces, either free or on permanent loan, the website ProPublica reported.  The militarization of the police, which includes outfitting departments with heavy machine guns, ammunition magazines, night vision equipment, aircraft and armored vehicles, has effectively turned urban police, and increasingly rural police as well, into quasi-military forces of occupation.

 

“Police conduct up to 80,000 SWAT raids a year in the US, up from 3,000 a year in the early ’80s,” reporter Hanqing Chen wrote in ProPublica. The American Civil Liberties Union, in Chen’s words, found that “almost 80 percent of SWAT team raids are linked to search warrants to investigate potential criminal suspects, not for high-stakes ‘hostage, barricade, or active shooter scenarios.’  He went on to say, “The ACLU also noted that SWAT tactics are used disproportionately against people of color.”

 

The bodies of the incarcerated poor fuel our system of neo-slavery.  In prisons across the country, including the one in which I teach, private corporations profit from captive prison labor.  The incarcerated work eight-hour days for as little as a dollar a day.  Phone companies, food companies, private prisons and a host of other corporations feed like jackals off those we hold behind bars.  And the lack of employment and the collapse of education and vocational training in communities across the United States are part of the design.  This design—with its built-in allure from the illegal economy, the only way for many of the poor to make a living—ensures rates of recidivism of over 60 percent.  There are millions of poor people for whom this country is little more than a vast penal colony.

 

Lawyer Michelle Alexander, author of “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,” identifies what she calls a criminal “caste system.”  This caste system controls the lives of not only the 2.3 million people who are incarcerated but also the 4.8 million people on probation or parole. Millions more people are forced into “permanent second-class citizenship” by their criminal records, which make employment, higher education and public assistance difficult or impossible, Alexander says.

 

Totalitarian systems accrue to themselves omnipotent power by first targeting and demonizing a defenseless minority. Poor African-Americans, like Muslims, have been stigmatized by elites and the mass media.  The state, promising to combat the “lawlessness” of the demonized minority, demands that authorities be emancipated from the constraints of the law. Arguments like this one were used to justify the “war on drugs” and the “war on terror.”  But once any segment of the population is stripped of equality before the law, as poor people of color and Muslims have been, once police are permitted under the law to become omnipotent, brutal and systematically oppressive tactics are invariably employed against the wider society.  The corporate state has no intention of carrying out legal reforms to curb the omnipotence of its organs of internal security. They were made omnipotent on purpose.

 

Matt Taibbi in his book, “The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap,” brilliantly illustrates how poverty, in essence, has become a crime.  He spent time in courts where wealthy people who had committed documented fraud amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars never had to stand trial and in city courts where the poor were called to answer for crimes that, until I read his book, I did not know existed. Standing in front of your home, he shows in one case, can be an arrestable offense.

 

“That’s what nobody gets, that the two approaches to justice may individually make a kind of sense, but side by side they’re a dystopia, where common city courts become factories for turning poor people into prisoners, while federal prosecutors on the white-collar beat turn into overpriced garbage men, who behind closed doors quietly dispose of the sins of the rich for a fee,” Taibbi writes.  “And it’s evolved this way over time and for a thousand reasons, so that almost nobody is aware of the whole picture, the two worlds so separate that they’re barely visible to each other.  The usual political descriptors like ‘unfairness’ and ‘injustice’ don’t really apply.  It’s more like a breakdown into madness.”

 

Hannah Arendt warned that once any segment of the population is denied rights, the rule of law is destroyed.  When laws do not apply equally to all they are treated as “rights and privileges.” When the state is faced with growing instability or unrest, these “privileges” are revoked.  Elites who feel increasingly threatened by the wider population do not “resist the temptation to deprive all citizens of legal status and rule them with an omnipotent police,” Arendt writes.

 

This is what is taking place now.  The corporate state and its organs of internal security are illegitimate.  We are a society of captives.

~~~

If the good Lord is willing and the creek don't  rise I talk with you again next week. 

God Bless You All

&

God Bless the United States of America

Floyd

 

No comments:

Post a Comment