Wednesday, January 2, 2013

OBOF & TYMHM PART 15


WELCOME TO OPINIONS  BASED  ON FACTS (OBOF)

&

THINGS YOU MAY HAVE MISSED (TYMHM)

YEAR THREE

 

Name
Published
OVERVIEW
 
OBOF & TYMHM PART 14
  Dec  18, 2012
OBOF & TYMHM PART 15
  Jan.  02, 2013
 
 

 

 

IN THIS ISSUE

1.  Year number three.

2.  2012 out with a cliff hanger.  2013 in w/good news.

3.  Details of the agreement.

4.  Lousy deal.

5.  Why deficits and not jobs?

6.  Bob Hope and the military presence.

 

 

 

YEAR  NUMBER  THREE

3

 

Well, here we go the first issue of year number three.  I am putting it together one day late so as to see what the "do nothing," Congress will do about the Fiscal Cliff. 

 

I do hope all of you had a nice Christmas and that you kept Christ in your Christmas.  I do wish, for all of you, a HAPPY and PROSPEROUS NEW YEAR.

 

During the first two year's we gave you 130 postings and you hit our blog 3,651 times.  From my standpoint, that makes it worthwhile.  That tells me you read the subjects I either write about or give you that other have written. 

 

I try to give you material that I think is about the most important to all our lives and yet try not to make each issue to long.  Anytime any of you have some thoughts about these postings, pro or con, I would love to hear from you about them.  You can either write comments at the end of any posting or e-mail if you wish.  If you e-mail me, I make you a sincere promise that your e-mail address will not be given to anyone.  My e-mail address is      fab_80@cox.net  .     

 

~~~

 

2012  GOES  OUT  AS  A  CLIFF  HANGER.

2013  COMES IN  WITH  SOME  GOOD  NEWS.

By Floyd Bowman

Publisher "Opinions Based On Facts"

Published Jan 2, 2013

 

I can't imagine that any of you,  have not been hearing about the Fiscal Cliff and, at least to some degree, are familiar with where it stands. 

 

As a short summary, the Senate passed a bill, 89 to 8, that was basically, put together by the cooperation of Minority Leader Mitch McConnell with the main negotiator for the President, Vice President Joe Biden.  It met the requirements of the President relative to increased taxes for those making $400,000 or more and $450,000 for a couple, to 39.6%.  It let the Bush tax cuts expire for those, but let it stand for those under the $400,000 level.  As far as, the sequester cuts are concerned it postponed them for two months.

 

The bill provides for Unemployment benefits to continue for those who are unemployed and are actively seeking work.  Those with paychecks will notice a slight reduction in their take home pay as the payroll tax will not now be exempt.  Personally, while I know it will hurt some, it is a good thing, because it takes too much from the Social Security Trust Fund.  It was suppose to only be exempt for one year to help the economy, but then it was extended another year, so that now, people think that is the way it is suppose to be.  Therefore, it will be a bit of a shock. 

 

So you see, not all has been answered.  When the bill hit the House of Representatives, it, of course, was torn apart by some Republicans, but finally the Speaker said he would bring it to the floor for a vote.  That of course, meant a period for both sides to   argue for and against.  Finally, the vote took place with an outcome of 257 yea's and 167 nea's.  Democrats voted 176 yea's and 12 nea's.  Republicans voted 81 yeas, including Speaker Boehner and Paul Ryan, but not Leader Cantor, and 155 nea's.  Take note as to how many Republicans still voted against the bill.

 

This puts our country on a forward path, and 98 % of the people will not have a tax increase and 97% of small businesses will not have a tax increase.  To me, one of the most interesting parts of all this is the fact, that Congress finally came together and worked as it is suppose to for the good of the country.  Keep in mind that this also, is a lame duct session of the 104th Congress.

 

In my opinion, the greatest part of tonight was the President's remarks when it was all over.  If you missed it, you really missed a new President.  He, of course, said such things, as this shows that we can work together and congratulated all the Leadership of both Houses of Congress. 

 

He then, in a very sober direct manner, pointed out that there was a lot of work to do in 2013 and that we can not just reduce spending our way out of debt, that we had to do major reforms to our tax code.  He said that he was willing to compromise on some issues, BUT that, there was one thing he was not going to do again. "I won't debate with Congress over the debt ceiling." he said.  He made that very forcefully. 

 

Congress, and particularly the House of Representatives, thinks that is where they have him over a barrel and that is where they can cut the entitlements, particularly Medicare and Social Security.  I think they are going to get a big surprise, because I think, the President is going to use the 14th Amendment before he will get into a debate about the ceiling or accept any conditions that he doesn't want.  He said something to the effect, that we are going to pay our bills, the bills that Congress has created.  

~~~

DETAILS  OF  THE  AGREEMENT

 

Bush tax cuts: The deal would extend all of the Bush tax cuts for incomes below $400,000 for individuals and $450,000 for families, while reinstating the Clinton-era 39.6 percent tax rate for income above those thresholds. It will also push the capital gains rate on investment income back to 20 percent for income above $400,000 for individuals and $450,000 for families. President Obama had asked for an extension of rates only for incomes below $250,000.

Stimulus tax credits: Three tax credits expanded as part of the stimulus will be extended for one year as part of the compromise. The America’s Opportunity Tax Credit, Child Tax Credit, and Earned Income Tax Credit collectively benefit nearly 20 million Americans each year, and extending them was a priority for Obama and Democrats. Republicans allowed all three to expire in tax legislation earlier this year.

 

Payroll tax cut: The payroll tax cut would expire as part of this compromise. The payroll tax cut, which benefits all wage-earning workers, is the most damaging piece of the “fiscal cliff” according to the Congressional Budget Office. Republicans have opposed extending the payroll tax cut in the past; many Democrats opposed its extension over fears that it would undermine Social Security, which it helps fund.

 

Unemployment insurance: The federal unemployment insurance program would be extended for one year under this deal. Without an extension, more than 2 million would lose benefits at the beginning of 2013, while another million would lose them in the early part of the year.

Estate tax: The estate tax was set to revert to its Clinton-era levels, where it was taxed at 55 percent after a $1 million exemption. This deal would set the exemption at $5 million and tax at a 40 percent rate after that — at a cost of $375 billion over 10 years compared to the Clinton level.

Other provisions: The deal would also include a permanent fix to the Alternative Minimum Tax and a one-year “doc fix,” which would prevent cuts in provider payments through Medicare. It also extends certain corporate tax provisions for another year.

~~~


Lousy Deal on the


 Edge of the Cliff


 

Robert Reich

NationofChange / Op-Ed

Published: Monday 31 December 2012

NOTE:  FROM  FLOYD.

For whatever it is worth to you, I don't agree with Robert on a number of his statements below.  He, like most everyone, takes the position that we are going to have a big debt ceiling fight.  I don't think so.  It's my belief, that the President has made up his mind that he isn't going that route anymore and he knows he doesn't have to.  Time will tell, but I believe he is going to use the 14th Amendment and not give in on the demands of gutting entitlements. 

Everything is on his side now.  He has nothing to lose, as far as running for anymore political offices.  The people gave him a real strong win in November and he is in the driver's seat.  He is going to govern the next four years the way he wants and I think that he will get a Democratic Congress in 2014 and I think he believes that too.                

                                                                                      Floyd

 

The deal emerging from the Senate is a lousy one.  Let me count the ways:

1. Republicans haven’t conceded anything on the debt ceiling, so over the next two months – as the Treasury runs out of tricks to avoid a default – Republicans are likely to do exactly what they did before, which is to hold their votes on raising the ceiling hostage to major cuts in programs for the poor and in Medicare and Social Security.

2. The deal makes tax cuts for the rich permanent (extending the Bush tax cuts for incomes up to $400,000 if filing singly and $450,000 if jointly) while extending refundable tax credits for the poor (child tax credit, enlarged EITC, and tuition tax credit) for only five years. There’s absolutely no justification for this asymmetry.

 

3. It doesn’t get nearly enough revenue from the wealthiest 2 percent — only $600 billion over the next decade, which is half of what the President called for, and a small fraction of the White House’s goal of more than $4 trillion in deficit reduction. That means more of the burden of tax hikes and spending cuts in future years will fall on the middle class and the poor.

4. It continues to exempt the first $5 million of inherited wealth from the estate tax (the exemption used to be $1 million). This is a huge gift to the heirs of the wealthy, perpetuating family dynasties of the idle rich.

Yes, the deal finally gets Republicans to accept a tax increase on the wealthy, but this is an inside-the-Beltway symbolic victory. If anyone believes this will make the GOP more amenable to future tax increases, they don’t know how rabidly extremist the GOP has become.

The deal also extends unemployment insurance for more than 2 million long-term unemployed. That’s important.

But I can’t help believe the President could have done better than this. After all, public opinion is overwhelmingly on his side. Republicans would have been blamed had no deal been achieved.

More importantly, the fiscal cliff is on the President’s side as well. If we go over it, he and the Democrats in the next Congress that starts later this week can quickly offer legislation that grants a middle-class tax cut and restores most military spending. Even rabid Republicans would be hard-pressed not to sign on.

~~~

Why is Washington Obsessing About the Deficit and Not Jobs and Wages?



Robert Reich

NationofChange / Op-Ed

Published: Friday 14 December 2012

It was the centerpiece of the President’s reelection campaign. Every time Republicans complained about trillion-dollar deficits, he and other Democrats would talk jobs.

That’s what Americans care about — jobs with good wages.

And that’s part of why Obama and the Democrats were victorious on Election Day.

It seems forever ago, but it’s worth recalling that President Obama won reelection by more than 4 million votes, a million more than George W. Bush when he was reelected — and an electoral college majority of 332 to Romney’s 206, again larger than Bush’s electoral majority over Kerry in 2004 (286 to 251).The Democratic caucus in the Senate now has 55 members (up from 53 before Election Day), and Republicans have 8 fewer seats in the House than before.

So why, exactly, is Washington back to obsessing about budget deficits? Why is almost all the news coming out of our nation’s capital about whether the Democrats or Republicans have the best plan to reduce the budget deficit? Why are we back to showdowns over the deficit?

makes no sense economically. Cutting the budget deficit — either by reducing public spending or raising taxes on the middle class, or both — will slow the economy and increase unemployment. That’s why the so-called “fiscal cliff” is so dangerous.

In the foreseeable future our government has to spend more rather than less. Businesses won’t hire because they still don’t have enough consumers to justify additional hires. So to get jobs back at the rate and scale needed, government has to be the spender of last resort.

The job situation is still horrendous. Twenty-three million Americans can’t find full-time work. Less than 59 percent of the working-age population of the nation is employed, almost the lowest percent in three decades. 4.8 million Americans have been out of work for more than six months. The 40-week average spell of joblessness is almost three times the post-1948 average.

And even those who have jobs are finding it harder to make ends meet.

 

Jobs created since the trough of the recession pay less than jobs that were lost. The median wage is 8 percent below what it was in 2000, adjusted for inflation. And wages are still heading downward: Average hourly earnings in October were 3.1 percent below what they were in October, 2010.

This isn’t just an ongoing tragedy for 23 million Americans and their families. It also robs all of us of what these people would produce if they were fully employed – roughly $2 trillion worth of goods and services that won’t be created this year.

These folks would also be paying taxes — and they’d require less unemployment insurance, fewer food stamps, and less public assistance than they do now. According to estimates byBloomberg News, the total cost of those lost tax revenues and the extra social spending is more than twice what taxpayers will shell out this year to pay interest on the federal debt.

In other words, unemployment is hugely expensive. Debt, by contrast, is relatively cheap. The yield on the 10-year Treasury is only about 1.7 percent. Creditors worldwide are willing to lend America money that won’t be repaid for a decade at the lowest rate in living memory.

So why are we debating how to cut the deficit when we should be debating how best to use the cheap money we can borrow from the rest of the world to put more Americans to work?

Because too many Democrats inside and outside the Beltway have ingested the deficit cool-aide that the “serious people” on Wall Street have serving for two decades.

And the President has been all too willing to legitimize their deficit obsession by freezing federal salaries, appointing a deficit commission, and, now that the election is over, going back to deficit-speak.

A month after the election Obama was on Bloomberg Television saying business leaders need “a deal on long-term deficit reduction” before they’ll increase hiring.

That’s just not true. Before they’ll increase hiring they need customers.

~~~


Bob Hope and the Persistent Military Presence.


 

Ken Butigan


Published: Friday 28 December 2012

BACK IN TIME AND WHAT IT MEANT

THEN AND NOW.

Typically this is a strange week, between Christmas and New Year’s, when most of us face the rigors of winter, the chronic stop-and-go commotion that passes for merrymaking, and the nagging remorse for all the things we earnestly committed ourselves to do this year—which, by now, we’ve sheepishly decided to carry over into 2013 like a cheap bookkeeping trick. These annual existential tremors got an extra jolt last Friday as we faced the prospect of the world coming to an end—first physically, then financially.

Given the peculiarity of this week, I found myself in a holiday mood surfing Netflix and landed on a strange helping of Bob Hope. For those who don’t know him, Hope was a mid-century comedian featured in a string of low-budget road pictures, in which he often co-starred with Dorothy Lamour and Bing Crosby. Bob Hope and Christmas? It was probably his long-time collaboration with Crosby, who sang “White Christmas,” that induced this neural cross firing. In any case I clicked on what turned out to be the first episode of a short-lived television show called “Bob Hope: The Comedy Hour” and found myself peering into a temporal periscope that zoomed me back in time to the United States of 60 years ago.

Delivered on the blotchy-gray canvas of the precursor of videotape, the program is a cultural snapshot that would allow us to evaluate social progress if, like our children, we subjected our society to a periodic standardized test. And my would-be assessment: America’s cozy relationship with the military has both changed and stayed the same.

In this first episode, it is May 1952 and the show is being broadcast live from a makeshift outdoor theater at the Presidio Army Base in San Francisco. The camera pans across the San Francisco Bay, the then-active prison on Alcatraz Island and the gleaming city, until it finally focuses on the stage and the thousands of members of the Armed Forces in the audience. Hope is doing stand-up, spouting one-liners and his own brand of self-deprecating humor. This is years before Johnny Carson—and light-years before David Letterman—but the template for the late-night monologue is here: banter with the bandleader, cracks about the weather (the sun keeps disappearing into the fog), and a string of jokes about the political scene. The presidential election is on, and there is a cascade of gags about the Democrats (Adlai Stevenson would be the party’s nominee but Hope’s airspace is devoted to Estes Kefauver, the Senator from Tennessee who had made a name for himself by leading a Congressional investigation into organized crime) and Republican Dwight Eisenhower, who would eventually win the fall contest. The show consists of guests, skits and musical numbers.

The humor is fairly genial and safe. The pioneering comedy of Lenny Bruce, George Carlin, Mort Sahl and Richard Pryor — let alone today’s work by Sarah Silverman, Louie C.K or Margaret Cho—are years off. Their efforts to assert freedom of speech or to tackle the political and cultural realities of racism, sexism and homophobia will, beginning in the 1960s, seriously challenge both the assumptions about comedy and the society which comedy encodes and reinforces.

 

Just as future comedians will challenge the world that Hope so confidently projects, so will social movements a decade later begin to challenge a world that assumes the cozy relationship with the military on display here. Hope, who emigrated from Britain in 1908 at five years old, cultivated a strong sense of U.S. patriotism throughout his life. This was not his first show on an army base. Beginning in 1941, he entertained troops throughout World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and right on up to the Persian Gulf War in 1991. His 57 tours were sponsored by the Defense Department, his corporate sponsors and NBC, which often broadcast them as television specials.

This coziness with the military comes through in the references that Hope makes during his monologue to an atomic bomb test that had occurred a few days before at the Nevada Test Site. The aboveground test was filmed and broadcast nationally.

“The other morning,” he says, “I went over to Nevada for the atomic broadcast. That was really something. I had quite an honor there. I was selected as the human being to stand closest to the blast. It was a little crowded. I was in a crate with four goats. That was quite an experience, and I must be loaded with electrons, because the other night I got off a streetcar and it followed me up into my porch. What a blast. A drunk was standing in a bar in Las Vegas, and after the building stopped shaking he slapped the bartender on the back and said, “Atta boy, now you’re mixing them the way I like ‘em.’ And it’s changed gambling quite a bit over there. Now they don’t shake the dice, they just lay ‘em on the table.”

In the early 1950s the national security state sought to normalize nuclear weapons. To do this it had to transform something that signified unmanageable terror into a something of manageable fear. It had to establish support for this new weapon system by conveying its awesome power but also its domestication. It was dangerous, but controllable. Hope’s bit strikes these chords. Atomic power is clearly hazardous and unpredictable, but its volatility and side effects can be brought down to earth. Most of all, they can provoke laughter—which, like almost all laughter, relieves tension and anxiety. Nothing could provoke tension and anxiety more in 1950s America than the prospect of thermonuclear war. Bob Hope, among others, helped alleviate this fear without removing its cause, something that all-powerful regimes rely on to manage the populace.

Eventually, a series of social movements would challenge this domestication of nuclear arms and the public acquiescence on which it rested. (These movements had some of their roots in San Francisco of 1952, including the then-emerging Beat generation and Allen Ginsberg’s percolating poem, “Howl.”) With the emergence of people power movements from the 1960s forward, a national broadcast of a nuclear detonation or a comedy show from an Army base would at least provoke critical questions and likely would not be countenanced in the free and easy way that Hope’s 1952 program would. Nor would several other aspects of that particular broadcast, including what are now considered—with our post-liberation movement lenses six decades later—to be offensive skits about Chinese-Americans, Italian-Americans and traditional gender roles. The notion of the United Service Organization road show entertaining troops provoked strong criticism during the Vietnam War, which Francis Ford Coppola captured in his vivid depiction of a show going very wrong in Indochina in his film Apocalypse Now. And, perhaps most tellingly, the Presidio Army Base—which served as the backdrop of Hope’s first episode of the comedy hour—was converted to a national park in the 1990s.

However, the shifts since 1952, while real, have not dislodged the fundamental militarism at the heart of this society. In our own time, the Pentagon seems to have decided that public support is such a given that it can afford to pursue a McLuhanesque “cool” approach to its interface with the population. Yet, “cool” or not, the Pentagon’s power is immense and will not hesitate to call on the next Bob Hope to buttress it.

In 1997, I spent several days camping out at the Vietnam Wall. I was considering writing my dissertation about the wall as a site of U.S. pilgrimage, and I wanted to get a sense of how people respond to it. (In the end, I wrote about something else.) Like many others, I was struck by the instantaneous reverence these thousands of pilgrims each day assumed as they approached the wall with over 58,000 names of the U.S. war dead.

On the third afternoon, there was an unusual uproar, and then the whir and clicking of press cameras. A golf cart pulled up — Bob Hope was sitting there. He had just been to the White House, where President Bill Clinton bestowed a national honor on him. Now he was here, to see the wall. He clambered out of the cart and shambled over to the monument. He simply stared at it. He was 94 years old, and he seemed to be in another world. The reporters tried to get him to touch the wall. In the end he did, but only when they told him that, on this chilly day, it was warm. As he walked back to the cart he straightened up and tried to say something, but it didn’t come.

I was thinking about this moment when I watched the 1952 video. I cannot presume to know what he was thinking about this wall dedicated to a war he promoted. Perhaps it simply confirmed something about his life. Perhaps it was a question, tugging at him. Or perhaps he was formulating a question that is there for all of us.

~~~

If the good Lord is willing and the creek don't rise, I'll talk with you again next week, about January 8, 2013.

GOD BLESS YOU ALL

&

GOD BLESS THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Floyd

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